Ariel Lee |
(By Ayesha Harruna Attah) - Slow-Cooking History
Fufu is boiled green plantains and
cassava, pounded in a wooden mortar to a distinct pum-pum-pum beat. Fufu, the way I like it, comes out a warm
yellow, with specks of black from the plantain seeds. But fufu on its own is
bland. Fufu is both food and utensil, and strong enough to scoop up soup.
Ghanaians eat it with palm soup, groundnut soup, a tomato soup called light
soup or ebunuebunu, green soup. Adventurous eaters go for a combination of all
four, known as nkatenkontobenkwan. But I am a purist. Ebunuebunu is my
favorite.
Fufu originated among the Akan, the
ethnic group that includes the Ashanti, Akwapim and Fanti people of what is
today southern Ghana and Ivory Coast. It journeyed across West Africa as
foofoo, foufou or foutou, and sailed across the Atlantic in the hearts of the
people who were uprooted and enslaved, even keeping its name in Cuba. Of
ebunuebunu, however, I am hard pressed to find derivatives. Its ingredients are
the leaf of the cocoyam plant; dried mudfish, tilapia or other river fish;
mushrooms; snails; onions; ginger; garlic; and sometimes grasscutter, the cane
rat, which my mother says “adds gamy flavor for those who like it.” The
ingredients are slow-cooked until they coalesce into a forest-green
broth that looks like witches’ brew and tastes like smoke and earth, with a
wholesomeness that lingers on the tongue.
For many Africans, recipes are one of
the last vestiges of connection between our presents and pasts, before the
culture-changing influences of Islam, Christianity and colonialism. What we
thought was African print fabric turns out to be
imported from Indonesia via the Netherlands. Our religions, our
languages, are now mishmashes of what was and what infiltrated.
Even with food, pure ancestral links
can be tenuous. In Ghana, for instance, there are two types of
cocoyam. One was native to the forests of the Ashanti, and the other
was introduced from the Americas, possibly in the 16th or 17th century, or much
later, in the 1800s, by West Indian missionaries. The native type is called old
cocoyam and the other, new cocoyam.
Not much has been written about the
history of West African cuisine, and a lot of what is considered historically
West African is quite new. My Akan ancestors left Sudan around the 10th century
— possibly fleeing forced conversion to Islam — and moved into the forest.
Their original diet would have been considerably different from what they would
come to find and create there. Their cattle would have suffered in the humidity
and constricted spaces of the forest, and many succumbed to death by tsetse
fly. My ancestors’ groundnuts and millet and rice seeds would have sprouted
mold. To stay alive, I imagine a matriarch — Akan women have always been
indomitable — whipping up the young to forage for edibles, which she would
throw into a clay pot: snails crawling and mushrooms sprouting from the forest
floor.
Snails became an item for bartering.
Many rivers traversed the forest, and from them my people extracted fish, which
they learned to conserve through smoking. They found old cocoyam and began to
cultivate it. The historian Ivor Wilks posited that the Akan were the first to
begin cultivating plants in the forests of pre-colonial Ghana.
It would take trial and error to get
the proportions right, to prevent death by poisoning. For centuries we pounded
our plantain and cassava because that was the way things had always been done.
Only later would we learn that cassava contains cyanide; soaking, boiling and
pounding it all help to temper or expel its poison.
Cassava was also an introduction from
the Americas, made popular in the region because it grew fast. It became an
essential food source during times of strife, such as after displacement by
slave raids. The machine behind these raids was not only European: The Ashanti
(the word is a corruption of “osa nti,” a people brought together because of
war) had one of the most fearsome armies in pre-colonial West Africa and became
one of the largest slave-owning ethnic groups in West Africa. Part of the
reason they had slaves was to cultivate their farms.
Thomas Bowdich, an English author,
visited the Asantehene, the Ashanti king, several times, and almost every time
he mentioned these meetings there was a corresponding description of
soups: “A relish was served (sufficient for an army) of soups,
stews, plantains, yams, rice ….”
These days, rice is more common in
Ghana than fufu. Soups are often spiced with shrimp or chicken bouillon cubes
(Maggi! Jumbo! Onga!) as a shortcut to flavor, and my indomitable ancestress
spins in her grave.
I have a recurring dream in which I am
driving with my maternal grandmother. The road is walled with tree trunks and
tall green weeds. We end up in what must be our family home, which is teeming
with relatives cooking. Nothing quite happens in the dream, but I keep coming
back to it, to the journey through the forest, its saturation and promise, and
to the food being prepared: fufu and ebunuebunu and boiled green plantains with
cocoyam leaf sauce.
The Ashantis believe that dreams
represent our souls traveling as we sleep, or invisible threads connecting our
pasts and our futures. Capt. R.S. Rattray, a Scottish anthropologist, compiled
Ashanti dreams and their interpretations in “Religion and Art in Ashanti,”
published in 1927, and included a reading that could be applied to mine: “If
you dream that you are eating and you see one of your ancestors hiding himself
(perhaps you only see his feet or hands), that means he is hungry. You give him
fish and water on a table in your room or at his grave, and when you put the
food down you call all your ancestors’ names, then you will not dream of any of
them again for some time.”
But I never get to eat in my dream, and
apart from my grandmother, who was alive when these dreams began, I can’t
identify which ancestors are lurking there.
When my sister and I were growing up in
Accra in the ’90s, lying on our
bellies, we would thumb through the magazines our aunties who lived abroad had
left behind. Most of the images were inaccessible: the clothes, the houses. It
was the food that got to us. Crystal Light lemonade — the envy at this makes me
scratch my head. It had to have been the careful placement of the decorative
mint leaves or the beading of water on the jugs that made us dream and drool.
Because no one was doing such P.R. for our local foods, we longed to leave our
shores to savor this manna from America.
When I finally left and started college
in America, these foods tasted just as addictive as they looked, but they soon
lost their novelty. What the 10-year-old me could never have imagined was that
someday I would hanker for my ancestral meals, for eto (mashed plantains and
palm oil, topped with a boiled egg), for abom (boiled green plantain with
mashed cocoyam leaf), and for ebunuebunu and fufu.
Ayesha Harruna
Attah is the author of the forthcoming novel “The Hundred
Wells of Salaga.”
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